INFORMATION SYSTEMS, WEB AND PERVASIVE COMPUTING SERIES
Edited by Daniel Ventre
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| 321 p |
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ISBN
| 978-1-84821-614-3 |
Copyright©
| ISTE Ltd 2014 |
Dean Cheng is the Senior Research Fellow for Chinese
political and security affairs at the Asia Studies Center of
The Heritage Foundation. He specializes in Chinese military
and foreign policy, and has written extensively on Chinese
military doctrine, technological implications of its space
program, and “dual use” issues associated with China’s
industrial and scientific infrastructure.
Before joining The Heritage Foundation, he was a senior
analyst with the Center for Naval Analyses, a federally
funded research and development center, and a senior
analyst with Science Applications International Corporation
(SAIC), the Fortune 500 specialist in defense and homeland
security. He has testified before Congress, spoken at the
(American) National Defense University, US Air Force
Academy, and the National Space Symposium, and been
published in the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post.
Alan Chong is Associate Professor at the S. Rajaratnam
School of International Studies in Singapore. He has
published widely on the notion of soft power and the role of
ideas in constructing the international relations of Singapore
and Asia. His publications have appeared in The Pacific
Review; International Relations of the Asia-Pacific; Asian
Survey; East Asia: an International Quarterly; Politics,
Religion and Ideology; the Review of International Studies;
the Cambridge Review of International Affairs and Armed
Forces and Society. He is also the author of Foreign Policy in
Global Information Space: Actualizing Soft Power (Palgrave,
2007). He is currently working on several projects exploring
the notion of ‘Asian international theory’. His interest in soft
power has also led to inquiry into the sociological and
philosophical foundations of international communication. In
the latter area, he is currently working on a manuscript
titled ‘The International Politics of Communication:
Representing Community in a Globalizing World’. In
tandem, he has pursued a fledgling interest in researching
cyber security issues. He has frequently been interviewed in
the Asian media and consulted in think-tank networks in the region.
Alice Ekman is Associate Research Fellow in charge of
China at the French Institute of International Relations
(Ifri), where she conducts analyses of major domestic and
foreign policy developments. She is an Adjunct Professor at
Sciences Po in Paris, and also lectures at the French
Institute for Higher National Defense Studies and the War
College. Alice Ekman was formerly Visiting Scholar at
Tsinghua University (Beijing), Research Officer at the
Embassy of France in China, and Consultant in a Parisbased
strategy firm. Fluent in Mandarin Chinese, she
regularly undertakes research fieldwork in China and East Asia.
She holds an MA from the London School of Economics in
International Relations, Economics, and Anthropology
(China focus), and a PhD in International Relations from
Sciences Po. Alice Ekman is currently a member of the EU
committee of the Council for Security Cooperation in the
Asia Pacific (CSCAP).
Thomas Flichy de La Neuville is Professor in
international relations at Saint-Cyr military academy.
Specialist of Iran, he has studied persian in the National
Institute of Oriental Languages an cultures and holds a PhD
in legal history. He is visiting professor in Oxford and
Annapolis. Amongst his recent publications, Iran-Russia-
China, a new mongol empire?
Xu Longdi is a PhD and Associate Research Fellow at
China Institute of International Studies (CIIS), Beijing. He
received his PhD in international relations from the
Graduate School of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
(CASS) in 2009 and joined CIIS the same year. His expertise
covers International Relations Theory, international
security, and EU politics and foreign policy. Now he runs a
program on “International Norms and Cyber Security”.
Samuel Cherian is Associate Fellow in the Strategic
Technologies Centre at the Institute for Defence Studies and
Analysis, an autonomous think tank affiliated to the Indian
Ministry of Defence. He has written on various cyber
security issues, including critical infrastructure protection,
cyber resilience, cybercrime, and internet governance. He
has also presented on these topics at seminars and round
tables around the world as well as different fora in India. His
recent publications include Cybersecurity and Cyberwar,
(October 2013 issue of Seminar magazine), Emerging Trends
in Cyber Security, (IDSA Web Comments March 28, 2012),
and Prospects for India-US Cyber Security Cooperation,
(Volume 31, Issue 2, Strategic Analysis September 2011).
His monograph Global, Regional and Domestic Dynamics of
Cybersecurity will be published shortly. He was co-ordinator
of the IDSA Task Force on Cyber Security which published a
report on “India's Cyber Security Challenges” in March 2012.
He holds a PhD from the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
Daniel Ventre holds a PhD in Political Science
(University of Versailles). He is the Secretary General of
GERN (Groupe Européen de Recherches sur les Normativités –
European Research Group into Norms), researcher at
CESDIP (Center for Sociological Research on Law and
Criminal Justice Institutions. CNRS/University of
Versailles/Ministry of Justice), Chairholder in Cyber Security
& Cyber Defense (Saint-Cyr/Sogeti/Thales). He is the author
of a number of books and articles (published in French,
English and Chinese) on cyberwarfare, information warfare,
cyberconflict, cybersecurity and cyberdefense. He has published:
Information Warfare – 信息战, National Defense Industry Press, Beijing, 218 pages, January 2014.
Cyber Conflicts, Competing National Perspectives, ISTE, London and John Wiley & Sons, New York, May 2012, 330 pages.
Cyberwar and Information Warfare, ISTE, London and John Wiley & Sons, New York, July 2011, 448 pages.
Cyberattaque et Cyberdéfense, Paris, Editions Hermès Lavoisier,
Collection “Cybercriminalité et Cyberconflits”, August 2011, 312 pages.
Cyberespace et acteurs du cyberconflit, Paris, Hermès Lavoisier,
Collection “Cybercriminalité et Cyberconflits”, April 2011, 288 pages.
Cyberguerre et guerre de l’information. Stratégies, règles, enjeux, Paris, Hermès Lavoisier, Collection “Cybercriminalité et Cyberconflits”, September 2010, 318 pages.
Information Warfare, ISTE, London and John Wiley & Sons, New York, 2009, 298 pages.
La guerre de l’information, Paris, Hermès Lavoisier, Collection “Finance Gestion Management”, 2007.
Introduction
Regardless of the origins of cyberspace (those who
designed it, the founding fathers of computing, of telecoms,
of the Internet, the first to give financial backing to these
projects, etc.), what is important to look at in today’s world is
the current configuration of cyberspace, and its possible
future. Whilst a map of the under-sea cable networks shows
the Internet as being rather US-centered, or at least
organized around the triad of the USA, Europe and Asia,
with the other regions of the world appearing to lie on the
periphery, this centrality of infrastructures (root name
servers, computation capacities, data flux, etc.), but also of
investment, research, users, etc., is in the full throes of
evolution. Technology and knowledge are now being
disseminated throughout the world. Where it is impossible to
install hardwired technologies quickly enough, mobile
telephony is becoming an important means of access to the
Internet. Poorer populations are beginning to gain access to
a Web connection. Thus, modern technologies are able to
make their effects felt even in territories where they are not
as omnipresent as in the United States. The technology is
becoming more widely available, and we can see that the
barriers to development are not economic or technical, but
often political: the development of cyberspace, and the form
that it takes, are subject to the will of the political authorities.
Whilst the United States still seem, at present, to be the
dominant force in terms of the Internet and cyberspace, the
more widely the technology propagates, the less the number
of users is concentrated in the Western World. This evolution
of cyberspace is contributing to the current shift of power
(economic, political and strategic power) from America
toward Asia. The report “The World in 2025”1 affirms (and it
is not alone in doing so) that “the centre of gravity of world
production will move towards Asia [...] Before 2025 China
could become the second world economic power”. This shift is
not solely economic. It runs deeper, corresponding to the
shifting of the very foundations of the power of modern
nations: “Before 2025 China could become the second world
economic power [...] India and China could thus account for
approximately 20% of the world’s R&D”. The configuration of
cyberspace is constantly changing as well. There is no truly
stable balance. The same report highlights the effects this
evolution will inevitably have: “If the United States remain
the first military power, the scientific and technological
catching-up of some states, the new irregular war tactics and
the increasing importance of cyber-attacks will weaken their freedom of action”.
Although, evidently, the domination of cyberspace
(particularly in economic, political and military terms) depends
on more factors than simply the number of users in a state
(there are other variables determining the power balance in
cyberspace: political goals, industrial expertise, capital,
knowledge, data, infrastructure, the capacity to impose a
strategy on all three levels of cyberspace), the evolution of uses
and populations of users represents a major phenomenon,
because it also reflects the changing desires, political, economic
and ideological projects. This evolution reflects, or perhaps
heralds, a gradual transfer of power from one center (the
United States) to another (China). China is, without a doubt,
the major player in this reconfiguration. The stakes are
enormously high, because if, tomorrow, the 1.5 billion Chinese
were all to have access to the Internet, the configuration of
China’s cyberspace itself and of the world as a whole, would be
turned on its head. In cyberspace, Asia is becoming the most
important resource in terms of users, consumers, citizens, but
also (potentially at least) of creators, designers, although
innovation in these domains appears, as yet, to be concentrated
in Silicon Valley and in Israel (notably in the domain of
cybersecurity). The center of innovation, in the field of ICTs,
could, in time, be shifted from America, with its giants of
industry and research, to Asia. Even at this stage, China has
already developed its own solutions – alternatives to the tools
employed in the West (Facebook, Twitter, operating systems,
etc.), and its industrial players (e.g. Huawei and Lenovo) are in
the process of dethroning the historical international market
leaders. By exporting its technologies, and investing in the
development of infrastructure in developing countries, China is
also creating the conditions for future dependency on its
technologies. No doubt China will also be able to invest wisely
in technologies with a promising future – e.g. those which will
feed into the up-and-coming “Internet of Things” – firstly
because of its immense national market, but also because
engineers, who are already digital natives, constitute a
potential creative resource. In addition, a billion or more
Chinese citizens in cyberspace also represent phenomenal
quantities of data produced. It is a crucial focal point for
authorities, companies and even states to be able to cope with
these amounts of data. The capacities to innovate, invest and
deploy one’s technologies throughout the world constitute as
many variables of importance for the power of modern states.
Asia, and particularly China, intends to play the leading roles
in these domains.
Table of Contents
AUTHOR BIOGRAPHIES
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 1. CHINA’S INTERNET DEVELOPMENT AND
CYBERSECURITY – POLICIES AND PRACTICES
Xu LONGDI
1.1. Introduction
1.2. Internet development in China: an overview
1.3. China’s policies towards Internet development
1.3.1. From the very beginning of its development,
China’s Internet has been closely linked to the Chinese
economy, and was programmed and integrated
into its macro economic development blueprints
1.3.2. In addition to lending full policy support
to Internet development, China also invests heavily in
building Internet infrastructures
1.3.3. The Chinese government actively
promotes the R&D of next-generation Internet (NGI)
1.3.4. China practices a policy of managing cyber
affairs in line with law, adhering to the principles of
scientific and effective administration in its Internet governance
1.4. Cyber legislation and Internet administration
1.4.1. Basic principles and practices of Internet
administration in China
1.4.2. Guaranteeing the free and secure flow
of information in cyberspace
1.5. Cybersecurity and diplomacy: an international perspective
1.5.1. Cyber policy dialogue and consultation
1.5.2. Regional cyber cooperation
1.5.3. Track Ⅱ cyber diplomacy
1.5.4. Legal cooperation in combating cybercrimes
1.5.5. Technical cooperation
1.5.6. Office for Cyber Affairs of the MFA
1.6. A cybersecurity strategy in the making?
1.6.1. Significance of the Internet for China
1.6.2. Goals and objectives
1.6.3. Cyber threat landscape
1.6.4. Means for strategic goals
1.7. Conclusion
CHAPTER 2. PLA VIEWS ON INFORMATIONIZED
WARFARE, INFORMATION WARFARE AND
INFORMATION OPERATIONS
Dean CHENG
2.1. The evolution of chinese military thinking
2.2. The growing importance of information
2.3. Information operations
2.3.1. Command and control missions
2.3.2. Offensive information missions
2.3.3. Defensive information missions
2.3.4. Information support and safeguarding missions
2.4. Key types of information operations
2.4.1. Electronic combat (dianzizhan; 电子战)
2.4.2. Network combat (wangluozhan; 网络战)
2.4.3. Psychological combat (xinlizhan; 心理战)
2.4.4. Intelligence combat (qingbaozhan; 情报战)
2.4.5. Command and control combat (zhihuikongzhizhan; 指挥控制战)
2.4.6. Physical combat
2.5. Computer network warfare and information operations
CHAPTER 3. CHINA’S ADAPTIVE INTERNET
MANAGEMENT STRATEGY AFTER THE EMERGENCE OF
SOCIAL NETWORKS
Alice EKMAN
3.1. Weibo: the turning point
3.1.1. Adaptive behaviors
3.1.2. Participative behaviors
3.2. Latest adjustments under Xi Jinping
3.2.1. Smart management of the Internet: a top priority under the new leadership
3.2.2. “Guiding public opinion”
3.2.3. …while seizing economic opportunities
3.3. Bibliography
CHAPTER 4. INDIA’S CYBERSECURITY – THE
LANDSCAPE
Cherian SAMUEL
4.1. A snapshot of Asian cyberspace
4.1.1. Aspects of cyberconflict in Asia
4.1.2. West Asia
4.1.3. East Asia
4.2. The Indian cyber landscape
4.3. The China challenge: a case study
4.4. Responses
4.4.1. Implementing a national cybersecurity policy
4.5. Creating an institutional framework
4.5.1. Ensuring supply chain integrity
4.6. Takeaways
CHAPTER 5. CHINA AND SOUTHEAST ASIA: OFFLINE
INFORMATION PENETRATION AND SUSPICIONS OF
ONLINE HACKING – STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS FROM A
SINGAPOREAN PERSPECTIVE
Alan CHONG
5.1. Offline sphere: latent “diasporic” information
power and official Chinese soft power
5.2. The online sphere: hacktivism as mostly projections
5.3. Conclusion: offline politics strategically obscure online projections
5.4. Bibliography
CHAPTER 6. IMPACT OF MONGOLIA’S CHOICES IN
INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ON CYBERSECURITY
Daniel VENTRE
6.1. Mongolia’s cyberspace
6.2. Cyberspace and political stakes
6.2.1. Mongolia targeted by cyber-attacks
6.2.2. Nationalism on the Internet
6.3. Information-space security policy.
CHAPTER 7. CHINA-IRAN-RUSSIA – A CYBERCOMMUNITY
OF INFORMATION?
Thomas FLICHY DE LA NEUVILLE
7.1. The hall marks of cyber-cooperation
7.1.1. Pax cyber-mongolica
7.1.2. A cyber-community of information – the proof of Syria
7.1.3. The counter-point of Mali
7.2. The geopolitical bases for the cyber-mongol empire
7.2.1. An undeniable closer Sino-Iranian relationship
7.2.2. Arms sales in Russo-Iranian and Sino-Iranianrelations
7.2.3. Sino-Russian support for Iranian civil nuclear development
7.2.4. A clear-cut Sino-Russian diplomatic position on the Iranian program
7.2.5. Oil and gas at the heart of economic relations
7.3. Order in cyberspace: an absolute necessity within China
7.3.1. Interior order and exterior disorder
7.3.2. The appearance of peace and the necessity of secrecy
CHAPTER 8. DISCOURSE REGARDING CHINA: CYBERSPACE
AND CYBERSECURITY
Daniel VENTRE
8.1. Identification of prevailing themes
8.1.1. Depictions of the Internet in China
8.1.2. Impact of cyberspace on Chinese society
8.1.3. The Chinese cyber threat
8.1.4. The Chinese army: its practices, capabilities and strategies
8.1.5. Espionage
8.1.6. China, cyberspace and international relations
8.1.7. Particular points from the Western perspective
8.2. The evolution of American discourse about
China, cybersecurity and cyber defense
8.2.1. The annual reports of the US Defense Department
8.2.2. Speeches of the Secretaries of Defense
8.2.3. Prospective analyses conducted by the
National Intelligence Council
8.3. Conclusion
GENERAL CONCLUSION
LIST OF AUTHORS
INDEX
Bookscreen
Introduction
When thinking about the issues of cyberspace, its
influence on the quality of international relations and on the
evolution of the world, and looking at the importance of
cyber strategies for national and international equilibria,
China is naturally at the center of the debate. The questions
are numerous: what are the variables affecting Chinese
power? What is China’s ambition – what role does it hope to
play on the international stage? In what ways can its society
and its political regime evolve? How does cyberspace fit in
with these issues of both internal and international politics?
What will be the consequences of the evolution of cyberspace
and of its use, for Chinese society, for other countries in the
region, and for the rest of the world? Are the proposals
formulated and the initiatives taken by China in terms of
governance of the Internet able to reshape the
interconnection of the world such as it is imagined and
defined by the West? The evolution of cyberspace, with the
central role that China now plays and will continue to play
for a long time to come, is now a matter of security and
national defense. Cybersecurity and cyberdefense are
political and strategic issues of prime importance. Practices,
intentions and projects in this field have a direct influence
on international relations. New actors, new forms of
relations between states, new powers, conflicts and power
distributions are taking shape throughout cyberspace.
The aim of this book is to analyze China’s policies,
strategies and practices in the area of cybersecurity and
cyberdefense; and also to analyze the effect they have on the
political and strategic choices made by other states.
Contributions to this work have come from seven
researchers, specializing in international relations and
issues of cybersecurity. The individual chapters are drawn
from a conference which took place in Paris, on 1 July 2013,
organized by the Chair of Cyberdefense and Cybersecurity
(Saint-Cyr / Sogeti / Thales).